I have come that you may have life and have it to the full. - John 10: 10
PACEM IN TERRIS: Peace on Earth
Encyclical Letter Of Pope John XXIII Promulgated on 11 April 1963.
Affirms full range of human lights as the basis for peace. |
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Issues1. A universal acceptance of the rights and responsibilities of persons and nationscultural, economic, political, religious-is needed as the basis for peace. 2. Armaments are escalating; nuclear war is a constant fear. 3. Present governments are inadequate to promote universal common good. 4. Nations pursue their own development at the expense of the rights of other states. 5. Expatriation of political refugees is a growing problem. 6. Civilization lacks the influence of faith. |
Responses1. Develop constitutions based on the rights and responsibilities of each human person nation, and organize nations and the international order accordingly. 2. Agree on disarmament with effective controls; establish peace on mutual trust. 3. Establish a worldwide authority based on subsidiarity; strengthen the United Nations. 4. Recognize that all nations have equal dignityand right to self-development. 5. Work for public policies that facilitate relocation of refugees and their integration as new members of the State. 6. Integrate faith and action in personal life and take an active part in public life and in organizations to change them from within. |
PACEM IN TERRIS
To Our Venerable Brothers The Patriarchs, Primates, Archbishops,
Bishops And Other Local Ordinaries In Peace And Communion With
The Apostolic See To The Clergy And Faithful Of The Whole World
And To All Men Of Good Will.
Venerable Brothers and Beloved Children, Health and Apostolic
Benediction
1. Peace on earth, which all men of every era have most eagerly
yearned for, can be firmly established only if the order laid
down by God be dutifully observed.
2. The progress of learning and the inventions of technology clearly
show that, both in living things and in the forces of nature,
an astonishing order reigns, and they also bear witness to the
greatness of man, who can understand that order and create suitable
instruments to harness those forces of nature and use them to
his benefit.
3. But the progress of science and the inventions of technology
show above all the infinite greatness of God, Who created the
universe and man himself. He created all things out of nothing,
pouring into them the abundance of His wisdom and goodness, so
that the holy psalmist praises God in these words: O Lord our
master, the majesty of thy name fills all the earth.[1] Elsewhere
he says: What diversity, Lord, in thy creatures! What wisdom has
designed them all![2] God also created man in His own image and
likeness,[3] endowed him with intelligence and freedom, and made
him lord of creation, as the same psalmist declares in the words:
Thou hast placed him only a little below the angels, crowning
him with glory and honor and bidding him rule over the works of
thy hands. Thou hast put all under his dominion.[4]
4. How strongly does the turmoil of individual men and peoples
contrast with the perfect order of the universe! It is as if the
relationships which bind them together could be controlled only
by force.
5. But the Creator of the world has imprinted in man's heart an
order which his conscience reveals to him and enjoins him to obey:
This shows that the obligations of the law are written in their
hearts; their conscience utters its own testimony.[5] And how
could it be otherwise? For whatever God has made shows forth His
infinite wisdom, and it is manifested more clearly in the things
which have greater perfection.[6]
6. But fickleness of opinion often produces this error, that many
think that the relationships between men and States can be governed
by the same laws as the forces and irrational elements of the
universe, whereas the laws governing them are of quite a different
kind and are to be sought elsewhere, namely, where the Father
of all things wrote them, that is, in the nature of man.
7. By these laws men are most admirably taught, first of all how
they should conduct their mutual dealings among themselves, then
how the relationships between the citizens and the public authorities
of each State should be regulated, then how States should deal
with one another, and finally how, on the one hand individual
men and States, and on the other hand the community of all peoples,
should act towards each other, the establishment of such a community
being urgently demanded today by the requirements of universal
common good.
8. First of all, it is necessary to speak of the order which should
exist between men.
9. Any human society, if it is to be well-ordered and productive,
must lay down as a foundation this principle, namely, that every
human being is a person, that is, his nature is endowed with intelligence
and free will. Indeed, precisely because he is a person he has
rights and obligations flowing directly and simultaneously from
his very nature.[7] And as these rights and obligations are universal
and inviolable so they cannot in any way be surrendered.
10. If we look upon the dignity of the human person in the light
of divinely revealed truth, we cannot help but esteem it far more
highly; for men are redeemed by the blood of Jesus Christ, they
are by grace the children and friends of God and heirs of eternal
glory.
11. Beginning our discussion of the rights of man, we see that
every man has the right to life, to bodily integrity, and to the
means which are suitable for the proper development of life; these
are primarily food, clothing, shelter, rest, medical care, and
finally the necessary social services. Therefore a human being
also has the right to security in cases of sickness, inability
to work, widowhood, old age, unemployment, or in any other case
in which he is deprived of the means of subsistence through no
fault of his own.[8]
12. By the natural law every human being has the right to respect
for his person, to his good reputation; the right to freedom in
searching for truth and in expressing and communicating his opinions,
and in pursuit of art, within the limits laid down by the moral
order and the common good; and he has the right to be informed
truthfully about public events.
13. The natural law also gives man the right to share in the benefits
of culture, and therefore the right to a basic education and to
technical and professional training in keeping with the stage
of educational development in the country to which he belongs.
Every effort should be made to ensure that persons be enabled,
on the basis of merit, to go on to higher studies, so that, as
far as possible, they may occupy posts and take on responsibilities
in human society in accordance with their natural gifts and the
skills they have acquired.[9]
14. This too must be listed among the rights of a human being,
to honor God according to the sincere dictates of his own conscience,
and therefore the right to practice his religion privately and
publicly. For as Lactantius so clearly taught: "We were created
for the purpose of showing to the God Who bore us the submission
we owe Him, of recognizing Him alone, and of serving Him. We are
obliged and bound by this duty to God; from this religion itself
receives its name."[10] And on this point Our Predecessor
of immortal memory, Leo XIII, declared: "This genuine, this
honorable freedom of the sons of God, which most nobly protects
the dignity of the human person, is greater than any violence
or injustice; it has always been sought by the Church, and always
most dear to Her. This was the freedom which the Apostles claimed
with intrepid constancy, which the Apologists defended with their
writings, and which the Martyrs in such numbers consecrated with
their blood."[11]
15. Human beings have the right to choose freely the state of
life which they prefer, and therefore the right to set up a family,
with equal rights and duties for man and woman, and also the right
to follow a vocation to the priesthood or the religious life.[12]
16. The family, grounded on marriage freely contracted, monogamous
and indissoluble, is and must be considered the first and essential
cell of human society. From this it follows that most careful
provision must be made for the family both in economic and social
matters as well as in those which are of a cultural and moral
nature, all of which look to the strengthening of the family and
helping it carry out its function.
17. Parents, however, have a prior right in the support and education
of their children.[13]
18. If we turn our attention to the economic sphere it is clear
that man has a right by the natural law not only to an opportunity
to work, but also to go about his work without coercion.[14]
19. To these rights is certainly joined the right to demand working
conditions in which physical health is not endangered, morals
are safeguarded, and young people's normal development is not
impaired. Women have the right to working conditions in accordance
with their requirements and their duties as wives and mothers.[15]
20. From the dignity of the human person, there also arises the
right to carry on economic activities according to the degree
of responsibility of which one is capable.[16] Furthermore--and
this must be specially emphasized--the worker has a right to a
wage determined according to criterions of justice, and sufficient,
therefore, in proportion to the available resources, to give the
worker and his family a standard of living in keeping with the
dignity of the human person. In this regard, Our Predecessor Pius
XII said: "To the personal duty to work imposed by nature,
there corresponds and follows the natural right of each individual
to make of his work the means to provide for his own life and
the lives of his children; so fundamental is the law of nature
which commands man to preserve his life."[17]
21. The right to private property, even of productive goods, also
derives from the nature of man. This right, as We have elsewhere
declared, "is an effective means for safeguarding the dignity
of the human person and for the exercise of responsibility in
all fields; it strengthens and gives serenity to family life,
thereby increasing the peace and prosperity of the State."[18]
22. However, it is opportune to point out that there is a social
duty essentially inherent in the right of private property.[19]
23. From the fact that human beings are by nature social, there
arises the right of assembly and association. They have also the
right to give the societies of which they are members the form
they consider most suitable for the aim they have in view, and
to act within such societies on their own initiative and on their
own responsibility in order to achieve their desired objectives.[20]
24. And, as We Ourselves in the encyclical Mater et Magistra have
strongly urged, it is by all means necessary that a great variety
of organizations and intermediate groups be established which
are capable of achieving a goal which an individual cannot effectively
attain by himself. These societies and organizations must be considered
the indispensable means to safeguard the dignity of the human
person and freedom while leaving intact a sense of responsibility.[21]
25. Every human being has the right to freedom of movement and
of residence within the confines of his own country; and, when
there are just reasons for it, the right to emigrate to other
countries and take up residence there.[22] The fact that one is
a citizen of a particular State does not detract in any way from
his membership in the human family as a whole, nor from his citizenship
in the world community.
26. The dignity of the human person involves the right to take
an active part in public affairs and to contribute one's part
to the common good of the citizens. For, as Our Predecessor of
happy memory, Pius XII, pointed out: "The human individual,
far from being an object and, as it were, a merely passive element
in the social order, is in fact, must be and must continue to
be, its subject, its foundation and its end."[23]
27. The human person is also entitled to a juridical protection
of his rights, a protection that should be efficacious, impartial
and inspired by the true norms of justice. As Our Predecessor
Pius XII teaches: "That perpetual privilege proper to man,
by which every individual has a claim to the protection of his
rights, and by which there is assigned to each a definite and
particular sphere of rights, immune from all arbitrary attacks,
is the logical consequence of the order of justice willed by God."[24]
28. The natural rights with which We have been dealing are, however,
inseparably connected, in the very person who is their subject,
with just as many respective duties; and rights as well as duties
find their source, their sustenance and their inviolability in
the natural law which grants or enjoins them.
29. Therefore, to cite a few examples, the right of every man
to life is correlative with the duty to preserve it; his right
to a decent standard of living with the duty of living it becomingly;
and his right to investigate the truth freely, with the duty of
seeking it ever more completely and profoundly.
30. Once this is admitted, it also follows that in human society
to one man's right there corresponds a duty in all other persons:
the duty, namely, of acknowledging and respecting the right in
question. For every fundamental human right draws its indestructible
moral force from the natural law, which in granting it imposes
a corresponding obligation. Those, therefore, who claim their
own rights, yet altogether forget or neglect to carry out their
respective duties, are people who build with one hand and destroy
with the other.
31. Since men are social by nature they are meant to live with
others and to work for one another's welfare. A well-ordered human
society requires that men recognize and observe their mutual rights
and duties. It also demands that each contribute generously to
the establishment of a civic order in which rights and duties
are more sincerely and effectively acknowledged and fulfilled.
32. It is not enough, for example, to acknowledge and respect
every man's right to the means of subsistence if we do not strive
to the best of our ability for a sufficient supply of what is
necessary for his sustenance.
33. The society of men must not only be organized but must also
provide them with abundant resources. This certainly requires
that they observe and recognize their mutual rights and duties;
it also requires that they collaborate in the many enterprises
that modern civilization either allows or encourages or even demands.
34. The dignity of the human person also requires that every man
enjoy the right to act freely and responsibly. For this reason,
therefore, in social relations man should exercise his rights,
fulfill his obligations and, in the countless forms of collaboration
with others, act chiefly on his own responsibility and initiative.
This is to be done in such a way that each one acts on his own
decision, of set purpose and from a consciousness of his obligation,
without being moved by force or pressure brought to bear on him
externally. For any human society that is established on relations
of force must be regarded as inhuman, inasmuch as the personality
of its members is repressed or restricted, when in fact they should
be provided with appropriate incentives and means for developing
and perfecting themselves.
35. A civic society is to be considered well-ordered, beneficial
and in keeping with human dignity if it is grounded on truth.
As the Apostle Paul exhorts us: "Away with falsehood then;
let everyone speak out the truth to his neighbor; membership of
the body binds us to one another."[25] This will be accomplished
when each one duly recognizes both his rights and his obligations
towards others. Furthermore, human society will be such as we
have just described it, if the citizens, guided by justice, apply
themselves seriously to respecting the rights of others and discharging
their own duties; if they are moved by such fervor of charity
as to make their own the needs of others and share with others
their own goods: if finally, they work for a closer fellowship
in the world of spiritual values. Yet this is not sufficient;
for human society is bound together by freedom, that is to say,
in ways and means in keeping with the dignity of its citizens,
who accept the responsibility of their actions, precisely because
they are by nature rational beings.
36. Therefore, Venerable Brothers and beloved children, human
society must primarily be considered something pertaining to the
spiritual. Through it, in the bright light of truth men should
share their knowledge, be able to exercise their rights and fulfill
their obligations, be inspired to seek spiritual values, mutually
derive genuine pleasure from the beautiful of whatever order it
be, always be readily disposed to pass on to others the best of
their own cultural heritage and eagerly strive to make their own
the spiritual achievements of others. These benefits not only
influence, but at the same time give aim and scope to all that
has bearing on cultural expressions, economic and social institutions,
political movements and forms, laws, and all other structures
by which society is outwardly established and constantly developed.
37. The order which prevails in society is by nature moral. Grounded
as it is in truth, it must function according to the norms of
justice, it should be inspired and perfected by mutual love, and
finally it should be brought to an ever more refined and human
balance in freedom.
38. Now an order of this kind, whose principles are universal,
absolute and unchangeable, has its ultimate source in the one
true God, Who is personal and transcends human nature. Inasmuch
as God is the first Truth and the highest Good, He alone is that
deepest source from which human society can draw its vitality,
if that society is to be well ordered, beneficial, and in keeping
with human dignity.[26] As St. Thomas Aquinas says: "Human
reason is the norm of the human will, according to which its,
goodness is measured, because reason derives from the eternal
law which is the divine reason itself. It is evident then that
the goodness of the human will depends much more on the eternal
law than on human reason.[27]
39. Our age has three distinctive characteristics.
40. First of all, the working classes have gradually gained ground
in economic and public affairs. They began by claiming their rights
in the socio-economic sphere; they extended their action then
to claims on the political level; and finally applied themselves
to the acquisition of the benefits of a more refined culture.
Today, therefore, workers all over the world refuse to be treated
as if they were irrational objects without freedom, to be used
at the arbitrary disposition of others. They insist that they
be always regarded as men with a share in every sector of human
society: in the social and economic sphere, in the fields of learning
and culture, and in public life.
41. Secondly, it is obvious to everyone that women are now taking
a part in public life. This is happening more rapidly perhaps
in nations of Christian civilization, and, more slowly but broadly,
among peoples who have inherited other traditions or cultures.
Since women are becoming ever more conscious of their human dignity,
they will not tolerate being treated as mere material instruments,
but demand rights befitting a human person both in domestic and
in public life.
42. Finally, in the modern world human society has taken on an
entirely new appearance in the field of social and political life.
For since all nations have either achieved or are on the way to
achieving independence, there will soon no longer exist a world
divided into nations that rule others and nations that are subject
to others.
43. Men all over the world have today--or will soon have--the
rank of citizens in independent nations. No one wants to feel
subject to political powers located outside his own country or
ethnical group. Thus in very many human beings the inferiority
complex which endured for hundreds and thousands of years is disappearing,
while in others there in an attenuation and gradual fading of
the corresponding superiority complex which had its roots in social-economic
privileges, sex or political standing.
44. On the contrary, the conviction that all men are equal by
reason of their natural dignity has been generally accepted. Hence
racial discrimination can in no way be justified, at least doctrinally
or in theory. And this is of fundamental importance and significance
for the formation of human society according to those principles
which We have outlined above. For, if a man becomes conscious
of his rights, he must become equally aware of his duties. Thus
he who possesses certain rights has likewise the duty to claim
those rights as marks of his dignity, while all others have the
obligation to acknowledge those rights and respect them.
45. When the relations of human society are expressed in terms
of rights and duties, men become conscious of spiritual values,
understand the meaning and significance of truth, justice, charity
and freedom, and become deeply aware that they belong to this
world of values. Moreover, when moved by such concerns, they are
brought to a better knowledge of the true God Who is personal
and transcendent, and thus they make the ties that bind them to
God the solid foundation and supreme criterion of their lives,
both of that life which they live interiorly in the depths of
their own souls and of that in which they are united to other
men in society.
46. Human society can be neither well-ordered nor prosperous unless
it has some people invested with legitimate authority to preserve
its institutions and to devote themselves as far as is necessary
to work and care for the good of all. These however derive their
authority from God, as St. Paul teaches in the words, "Authority
comes from God alone."[28] These words of St. Paul are explained
thus by St. John Chrysostom: "What are you saying? Is every
ruler appointed by God? I do not say that, he replies, for I am
not dealing now with individual rulers, but with authority itself.
What I say is, that it is the divine wisdom and not mere chance,
that has ordained that there should be government, that some should
command and others obey."[29] Moreover, since God made men
social by nature, and since no society "can hold together
unless some one be over all, directing all to strive earnestly
for the common good, every civilized community must have a ruling
authority, and this authority, no less than society itself, has
its source in nature, and has, consequently, God for its author."[30]
47. But authority is not to be thought of as a force lacking all
control. Indeed, since it is the power to command according to
right reason, authority must derive its obligatory force from
the moral order, which in turn has God for its first source and
final end. Wherefore Our Predecessor of happy memory, Pius XII,
said: "The absolute order of living beings and man's very
destiny (We are speaking of man who is free, bound by obligations
and endowed with inalienable rights, and at once the basis of
society and the purpose for which it exists) also includes the
state as a necessary society invested with the authority without
which it could not come into being or live.... And since this
absolute order, as we learn from sound reason, and especially
from the Christian faith, can have no origin save in God Who is
our Creator, it follows that the dignity of the State's authority
is due to its sharing to some extent in the authority of God Himself."[31]
48. Wherefore, a civil authority which uses as its only or its
chief means either threats and fear of punishment or promises
of rewards cannot effectively move men to promote the common good
of all. Even if it did so move them, this would be altogether
opposed to their dignity as men, endowed with reason and free
will. As authority rests chiefly on moral force, it follows that
civil authority must appeal primarily to the conscience of individual
citizens, that is, to each one's duty to collaborate readily for
the common good of all. But since by nature all men are equal
in human dignity, it follows that no one may be coerced to perform
interior acts. That is in the power of God alone, Who sees and
judges the hidden designs of men's hearts.
49. Those therefore who have authority in the State may oblige
men in conscience only if their authority is intrinsically related
with the authority of God and shares in it.[32]
50. By this principle the dignity of the citizens is protected.
When in fact, men obey their rulers it is not at all as men that
they obey them, but through their obedience it is God, the provident
Creator of all things, Whom they reverence, since He has decreed
that men's dealings with one another should be regulated by an
order which He Himself has established. Moreover, in showing this
due reverence to God, men not only do not debase themselves but
rather perfect and ennoble themselves. "For to serve God
is to rule."[33]
51. Since the right to command is required by the moral order
and has its source in God, it follows that, if civil authorities
pass laws or command anything opposed to the moral order and consequently
contrary to the will of God, neither the laws made nor the authorizations
granted can be binding on the consciences of the citizens, since
"God has more right to be obeyed than men."[34] Otherwise,
authority breaks down completely and results in shameful abuse.
As St. Thomas Aquinas teaches: "Human law has the true nature
of law only in so far as it corresponds to right reason, and in
this respect it is evident that it is derived from the eternal
law. In so far as it falls short of right reason, a law is said
to be a wicked law; and so, lacking the true nature of law, it
is rather a kind of violence."[35]
52. It must not be concluded, however, because authority comes
from God, that therefore men have no right to choose those who
are to rule the state, to decide the form of government, and to
determine both the way in which authority is to be exercised and
its limits. It is thus clear that the doctrine which We have set
forth can be fully consonant with any truly democratic regime.[36]
53. Individual citizens and intermediate groups are obliged to
make their specific contributions to the common welfare. One of
the chief consequences of this is that they must bring their own
interests into harmony with the needs of the community, and must
contribute their goods and their services as civil authorities
have prescribed, in accord with the norms of justice and within
the limits of their competence. Clearly then those who wield power
in the state must do this by such acts which not only have been
justly carried out, but which also either have the common welfare
primarily in view or which can lead to it.
54. Indeed since the whole reason for the existence of civil authorities
is the realization of the common good, it is clearly necessary
that, in pursuing this objective, they should respect its essential
elements, and at the same time conform their laws to the circumstances
of the day.[37]
55. Assuredly, the ethnic characteristics of the various human
groups are to be respected as constituent elements of the common
good,[38] but these values and characteristics by no means exhaust
the content of the common good. For the common good since it is
intimately bound up with human nature cannot therefore exist fully
and completely unless the human person is taken into consideration
and the essential nature and realization of the common good be
kept in mind.[39]
56. In the second place, the very nature of the common good requires
that all members of the state be entitled to share in it, although
in different ways according to each one's tasks, merits and circumstances.
For this reason, every civil authority must take pains to promote
the common good of all, without preference for any single citizen
or civic group. As Our Predecessor of immortal memory, Leo XIII,
has said: "The civil power must not serve the advantage of
any one individual, or of some few persons, inasmuch as it was
established for the common good of all."[40] Considerations
of justice and equity, however, can at times demand that those
involved in civil government give more attention to the less fortunate
members of the community, since they are less able to defend their
rights and to assert their legitimate claims.[41]
57. In this context, We judge that attention should be called
to the fact that the common good touches the whole man, the needs
both of his body and of his soul. Hence it follows that the civil
authorities must undertake to effect the common good by ways and
means that are proper to them; that is, while respecting the hierarchy
of values, they should promote simultaneously both the material
and the spiritual welfare of the citizens.[42]
58. These principles are clearly contained in the doctrine stated
in Our Encyclical, Mater et Magistra, where We emphasized that
the common good of all "embraces the sum total of those conditions
of social living whereby men are enabled to achieve their own
integral perfection more fully and more easily."[43]
59. Men, however, composed as they are of bodies and immortal
souls, can never in this mortal life succeed in satisfying all
their needs or in attaining perfect happiness. Therefore the common
good is to be procured by such ways and means which not only are
not detrimental to man's eternal salvation but which positively
contribute to it.[44]
60. It is agreed that in our time the common good is chiefly guaranteed
when personal rights and duties are maintained. The chief concern
of civil authorities must therefore be to ensure that these rights
are acknowledged, respected, coordinated with other rights, defended
and promoted, so that in this way each one may more easily carry
out his duties. For "to safeguard the inviolable rights of
the human person, and to facilitate the fulfillment of his duties,
should be the chief duty of every public authority."[45]
61. This means that, if any government does not acknowledge the
rights of man or violates them, it not only fails in its duty,
but its orders completely lack juridical force.[46]
62. One of the fundamental duties of civil authorities, therefore,
is to coordinate social relations in such fashion that the exercise
of one man's rights does not threaten others in the exercise of
their own rights nor hinder them in the fulfillment of their duties.
Finally, the rights of all should be effectively safeguarded and,
if they have been violated, completely restored.[47]
63. It is also demanded by the common good that civil authorities
should make earnest efforts to bring about a situation in which
individual citizens can easily exercise their rights and fulfill
their duties as well. For experience has taught us that, unless
these authorities take suitable action with regard to economic,
political and cultural matters, inequalities between the citizens
tend to become more and more widespread, especially in the modern
world, and as a result human rights are rendered totally ineffective
and the fulfillment of duties is compromised.
64. It is therefore necessary that the administration give wholehearted
and careful attention to the social as well as to the economic
progress of the citizens, and to the development, in keeping with
the development of the productive system, of such essential services
as the building of roads, transportation, communications, water
supply, housing, public health, education, facilitation of the
practice of religion, and recreational facilities. It is necessary
also that governments make efforts to see that insurance systems
are made available to the citizens, so that, in case of misfortune
or increased family responsibilities, no person will be without
the necessary means to maintain a decent standard of living. The
government should make similarly effective efforts to see that
those who are able to work can find employment in keeping with
their aptitudes, and that each worker receives a wage in keeping
with the laws of justice and equity. It should be equally the
concern of civil authorities to ensure that workers be allowed
their proper responsibility in the work undertaken in industrial
organization, and to facilitate the establishment of intermediate
groups which will make social life richer and more effective.
Finally, it should be possible for all the citizens to share as
far as they are able in their country's cultural advantages.
65. The common good requires that civil authorities maintain a
careful balance between coordinating and protecting the rights
of the citizens, on the one hand, and promoting them, on the other.
It should not happen that certain individuals or social groups
derive special advantage from the fact that their rights have
received preferential protection. Nor should it happen that governments
in seeking to protect these rights, become obstacles to their
full expression and free use. "For this principle must always
be retained: that State activity in the economic field, no matter
what its breadth or depth may be, ought not to be exercised in
such a way as to curtail an individuals freedom of personal initiative.
Rather it should work to expand that freedom as much as possible
by the effective protection of the essential personal rights of
each and every individual."[48]
66. The same principle should inspire the various steps which
governments take in order to make it possible for the citizens
more easily to exercise their rights and fulfill their duties
in every sector of social life.
67. It is impossible to determine, in all cases, what is the most
suitable form of government, or how civil authorities can most
effectively fulfill their respective functions, i.e., the legislative,
judicial and executive functions of the State.
68. In determining the structure and operation of government which
a State is to have, great weight has to be given to the circumstances
of a given people, circumstances which will vary at different
times and in different places. We consider, however, that it is
in keeping with the innate demands of human nature that the State
should take a form which embodies the three- fold division of
powers corresponding to the three principal functions of public
authority. In that type of State, not only the official functions
of government but also the mutual relations between citizens and
public officials are set down according to law, which in itself
affords protection to the citizens both in the enjoyment of their
rights and in the fulfillment of their duties.
69. If, however, this political and juridical structure is to
produce the advantages which may be expected of it, public officials
must strive to meet the problems which arise in a way that conforms
both to the complexities of the situation and the proper exercise
of their function. This requires that, in constantly changing
conditions, legislators never forget the norms of morality, or
constitutional provisions, or the common good. Moreover, executive
authorities must coordinate the activities of society with discretion,
with a full knowledge of the law and after a careful consideration
of circumstances, and the courts must administer justice impartially
and without being influenced by favoritism or pressure. The good
order of society also demands that individual citizens and intermediate
organizations should be effectively protected by law whenever
they have rights to be exercised or obligations to be fulfilled.
This protection should be granted to citizens both in their dealings
with each other and in their relations with government agencies.[49]
70. It is unquestionable that a legal structure in conformity
with the moral order and corresponding to the level of development
of the state is of great advantage to achievement of the common
good.
71. And yet, social life in the modern world is so varied, complex
and dynamic that even a juridical structure which has been prudently
and thoughtfully established often seems inadequate for the needs
of society.
72. It is also true that the relations of the citizens with each
other of citizens and intermediate groups with public authorities,
and finally of the public authorities with one another, are often
so complex and so sensitive that they cannot be regulated by inflexible
legal provisions. Such a situation therefore demands that the
civil authorities have clear ideas about the nature and extent
of their official duties if they wish to maintain the existing
juridical structure in its basic elements and principles, and
at the same time meet the exigencies of social life, adapting
their legislation to the changing social scene and solving new
problems. They must be men of great equilibrium and integrity,
competent and courageous enough to see at once what the situation
requires and to take necessary action quickly and effectively.[50]
73. It is in keeping with their dignity as persons that human
beings should take an active part in government, although the
manner in which they share in it will depend on the level of development
of the country to which they belong.
74. Men will find new and extensive advantages in the fact that
they are allowed to participate in government. In this situation,
those who administer the government come into frequent contact
with the citizens, and it is thus easier for them to learn what
is really needed for the common good. And since public officials
hold office only for a specified period of time their authority,
far from withering, rather takes on a new vigor in a measure proportionate
to the development of human society.[51]
75. From these considerations it becomes clear that in the juridical
organization of states in our times the first requisite is that
a charter of fundamental human rights be drawn up in clear and
precise terms and that it be incorporated in its entirety in the
constitution.
76. The second requisite is that the constitution of each state
be drawn up, phrased in correct juridical terminology, which prescribes
the manner of designating the public officials along with their
mutual relations, the spheres of their competence, the forms and
systems they are obliged to follow in the performance of their
office.
77. The last requisite is that the relations between the government
and the governed are then set forth in terms of rights and duties;
and it is clearly laid down that the paramount task assigned to
government officials is that of recognizing, respecting, reconciling,
protecting and promoting the rights and duties of citizens.
78. It is of course impossible to accept the theory which professes
to find the original and single source of civic rights and duties,
of the binding force of the constitution, and of a government's
right to command, in the mere will of human beings, individually
or collectively.[52]
79. The tendencies to which We have referred, however, do clearly
show that the men of our time are becoming increasingly conscious
of their dignity as human persons. This awareness prompts them
to claim a share in the public administration of their country,
while it also accounts for the demand that their own inalienable
and inviolable rights be protected by law. It also requires, that
government officials be chosen in conformity with constitutional
procedures, and perform their specific functions within the limits
of law.
80. Our Predecessors have constantly maintained, and We join them
in reasserting, that nations are reciprocally subjects of rights
and duties. This means that their relationships also must be harmonized
in truth, in justice, in a working solidarity, in liberty. The
same natural law, which governs relations between individual human
beings, serves also to regulate the relations of nations with
one another.
81. This is readily clear to anyone if he would consider that
the heads of states can in no way put aside their natural dignity
while they represent their country and provide for its welfare,
and that they are never allowed to depart from the natural law
by which they are bound and which is the norm of their conduct.
82. Moreover, it is inconceivable that men because they are heads
of government are forced to put aside their human endowments.
On the contrary, they occupy this place of eminence for the very
reason that they have earned a reputation as outstanding members
of the body politic in view of their excellent intellectual endowments
and accomplishments.
83. Indeed it follows from the moral order itself that authority
is necessary for civil society, for civil society is ruled by
authority; and that authority cannot be used to thwart the moral
order without instantly collapsing because its foundation has
been destroyed. This is the warning of God Himself: "A word,
then, for the kings' ears to hear, kings' hearts to heed: a message
for you, rulers, wherever you be! Listen well, all you that have
multitudes at your command, foreign hordes to do your bidding.
Power is none but comes to you from the Lord, nor any royalty
but from One who is above all. He it is that will call you to
account for your doings with a scrutiny that reads your inmost
thoughts."[53]
84. Lastly it is to be borne in mind that also in the regulating
of relations between states, authority is to be exercised for
the achievement of the common good, which constitutes the reason
for its existence.
85. But a fundamental factor of the common good is acknowledgment
of the moral order and exact observance of its commands. "A
well established order among nations must be built upon the unshakable
and unchangeable rock of the moral law, made manifest in the order
of nature by the Creator Himself and by Him engraved on the hearts
of men with letters than can never be effaced.... Like the rays
of a gleaming beacon, its principles must guide the plans and
policies of men and nations. From its signals, which give warning
and point out the safe and sure course, they must get their norms
and guidance if they would not see all their laborious efforts
to establish a new order condemned to tempest and shipwreck."[54]
86. First among the rules governing the relations between States
is that of truth. This calls, above all, for the elimination of
every trace of racism, and the consequent recognition of the principle
that all States are by nature equal in dignity. Each of them accordingly
is vested with the right to existence, to self-development, to
the means fitting to its attainment, and to be the one primarily
responsible for this self-development. Add to that the right of
each to its good name, and to the respect which is its due.
87. Very often, experience has taught us, individuals will be
found to differ enormously, in knowledge, power, talent and wealth.
From this, however, no justification is ever found for those who
surpass the rest to subject others to their control in any way.
Rather they have a more serious obligation which binds each and
everyone to lend mutual assistance to others in their efforts
for improvement.
88. Likewise it can happen that one country surpasses another
in scientific progress, culture and economic development. But
this superiority, far from permitting it to rule others unjustly,
imposes the obligation to make a greater contribution to the general
development of the people.
89. In fact, men cannot by nature be superior to others since
all enjoy an equal natural dignity. From this it follows that
countries too do not differ at all from one another in the dignity
which they derive from nature. Individual states are like a body
whose members are human beings. Furthermore, we know from experience
that nations are wont to be very sensitive in all matters which
in any way concern their dignity and honor, and rightly so.
90. Truth further demands that the various media of social communications
made available by modern progress, which enable the nations to
know each other better, be used with serene objectivity. That
need not, of course, rule out any legitimate emphasis on the positive
aspects of their way of life. But methods of information which
fall short of the truth, and by the same token impair the reputation
of this people or that, must be discarded.[55]
91. Relations between nations are to be further regulated by justice.
This implies, over and above recognition of their mutual rights,
the fulfillment of their respective duties.
92. Since nations have a right to exist, to develop themselves,
to acquire a supply of the resources necessary for their development,
to defend their good name and the honor due to them, it follows
that they are likewise bound by the obligation of effectively
guarding each of these rights and of avoiding those actions by
which these rights can be jeopardized. As men in their private
enterprises cannot pursue their own interests to the detriment
of others, so too states cannot lawfully seek that development
of their own resources which brings harm to other states and unjustly
oppresses them. This statement of St. Augustine seems to be very
apt in this regard: "What are kingdoms without justice but
large bands of robbers."[56]
93. Not only can it happen, but it actually does happen that the
advantages and conveniences which nations strive to acquire for
themselves become objects of contention; nevertheless, the resulting
disagreements must be settled, not by force, nor by deceit or
trickery, but rather in the only manner which is worthy of the
dignity of man, i.e., by a mutual assessment of the reasons on
both sides of the dispute, by a mature and objective investigation
of the situation, and by an equitable reconciliation of differences
of opinion.
94. Closely related to this point is the political trend which
since the nineteenth century has gathered momentum and gained
ground everywhere, namely, the striving of people of the same
ethnic group to become independent and to form one nation. Since
this cannot always be accomplished for various reasons, the result
is that minorities often dwell within the territory of a people
of another ethnic group, and this is the source of serious problems.
90. In the first place, it must be made clear that justice is
seriously violated by whatever is done to limit the strength and
numerical increase of these lesser peoples; the injustice is even
more serious if vicious attempts of this kind are aimed at the
very extinction of these groups.
96. It is especially in keeping with the principles of justice
that effective measures be taken by the civil authorities to improve
the lot of the citizens of an ethnic minority, particularly when
that betterment concerns their language, the development of their
natural gifts, their ancestral customs, and their accomplishments
and endeavors in the economic order.[57]
97. It should be noted, however, that these minority groups, either
because of their present situation which they are forced to endure,
or because of past experiences, are often inclined to exalt beyond
due measure anything proper to their own people, and to such a
degree as to look down on things common to all mankind as if the
welfare of the human family must yield to the good of their own
ethnic group. Reason rather demands that these very people recognize
also the advantages that accrue to them from their peculiar circumstances:
for instance, no small contribution is made toward the development
of their particular talents and spirit by their daily dealings
with people who have grown up in a different culture since from
this association they can gradually make their own the excellence
which belongs to the other ethnic group. But this will happen
only if the minorities through association with the people who
live around them make an effort to share in their customs and
institutions. Such, however, will not be the case if they sow
discord which causes great damage and hinders progress.
98. Since the mutual relations among nations must be regulated
by the norm of truth and justice, they must also derive great
advantage from an energetic union of mind, heart and resources.
This can be effected at various levels by mutual cooperation in
many ways, as is happening in our own time with beneficial results
in the economic, social, political, educational, public health
and sports spheres. We must remember that, of its very nature,
civil authority exists, not to confine its people within the boundaries
of their nation, but rather to protect, above all else the common
good of that particular civil society, which certainly cannot
be divorced from the common good of the entire human family.
99. So it happens that civil societies in pursuing their interests
not only must not harm others, but must join their plans and forces
whenever the efforts of an individual government cannot achieve
its desired goals; but in the execution of such common efforts,
great care must be taken lest what helps some nations should injure
others.
100. Furthermore, the universal common good requires that in every
nation friendly relations be fostered in all fields between the
citizens and their intermediate societies. Since in many parts
of the world there are groups of people of varying ethnic backgrounds,
we must be on our guard against isolating one ethnic group from
its fellow men. This is clearly inconsistent with modern conditions
since distances which separate people from each other have been
almost wiped out. Neither are we to overlook the fact that men
of every ethnic group, in addition to their own characteristic
endowments by which they are distinguished from the rest of men,
have other important gifts of nature in common with their fellow
men by which they can make more and more progress and perfect
themselves, particularly in matters that pertain to the spirit.
They have the right and duty therefore to live in communion with
one another.
101. Everyone certainly knows that in some parts of the world
there is an imbalance between the amount of arable land and the
size of the population, and in other parts between the fertility
of the soil and available farm implements. Consequently, necessity
demands a cooperative effort on the part of the people to bring
about a quicker exchange of goods, or of capital, or the migration
of people themselves.
102. In this case We think it is most opportune that as far as
possible employment should seek the worker, not vice versa. For
then most citizens have an opportunity to increase their holdings
without being forced to leave their native environment and seek
a new home with many a heartache, and adopt a new state of affairs
and make new social contacts with other citizens.
103. The sentiment of universal fatherhood which the Lord has
placed in Our heart makes Us feel profound sadness in considering
the phenomenon of political refugees: a phenomenon which has assumed
large proportions and which always hides numberless and acute
sufferings.
104. Such expatriations show that there are some political regimes
which do not guarantee for individual citizens a sufficient sphere
of freedom within which their souls are allowed to breathe humanly;
in fact, under those regimes even the lawful existence of such
a sphere of freedom is either called into question or denied.
This undoubtedly is a radical inversion of the order of human
society, because the reason for the existence of public authority
is to promote the common good, a fundamental element of which
is the recognition of that sphere of freedom and the safeguarding
of it.
105. At this point it will not be superfluous to recall that such
exiles are persons, and that all their rights as persons must
be recognized since they do not lose those rights on losing the
citizenship of the states of which they are former members.
106. Now among the rights of a human person there must be included
that by which a man may enter a political community where he hopes
he can more fittingly provide a future for himself and his dependents.
Wherefore, as far as the common good rightly understood permits,
it is the duty of that State to accept such immigrants and to
help to integrate them into itself as new members.
107. Wherefore, on this occasion, We publicly approve and commend
every undertaking, founded on the principles of human solidarity
and Christian charity, which aims at making migration of persons
from one country to another less painful.
108. And We will be permitted to signal for the attention and
gratitude of all right-minded persons the manifold work which
specialized international agencies are carrying out in this very
delicate field.
109. On the other hand it is with deep sorrow that We note the
enormous stocks of armaments that have been and still are being
made in more economically developed countries, with a vast outlay
of intellectual and economic resources. And so it happens that,
while the people of these countries are loaded with heavy burdens,
other countries as a result are deprived of the collaboration
they need in order to make economic and social progress.
110. The production of arms is allegedly justified on the grounds
that in present-day conditions peace cannot be preserved without
an equal balance of armaments. And so, if one country increases
its armaments, others feel the need to do the same; and if one
country is equipped with nuclear weapons, other countries must
produce their own, equally destructive.
111. Consequently, people live in constant fear lest the storm
that every moment threatens should break upon them with dreadful
violence. And with good reason, for the arms of war are ready
at hand. Even though it is difficult to believe that anyone would
dare bring upon himself the appalling destruction and sorrow that
war would bring in its train, it cannot be denied that the conflagration
can be set off by some unexpected and unpremeditated act. And
one must bear in mind that, even though the monstrous power of
modern weapons acts as a deterrent, there is nevertheless reason
to fear that the mere continuance of nuclear tests, undertaken
with war in mind, can seriously jeopardize various kinds of life
on earth.
112. Justice, then, right reason and consideration for human dignity
and life urgently demand that the arms race should cease; that
the stockpiles which exist in various countries should be reduced
equally and simultaneously by the parties concerned; that nuclear
weapons should be banned; and finally that all come to an agreement
on a fitting program of disarmament, employing mutual and effective
controls. In the words of Pius XII, our Predecessor of happy memory:
"The calamity of a world war, with the economic and social
ruin and the moral excesses and dissolution that accompany it,
must not be permitted to envelop the human race for a third time."[59]
113. All must realize that there is no hope of putting an end
to the building up of armaments, nor of reducing the present stocks,
nor, still less--and this is the main point--of abolishing them
altogether, unless the process is complete and thorough and unless
it proceeds from inner conviction: unless, that is, everyone sincerely
cooperated to banish the fear and anxious expectation of war with
which men are oppressed. If this is to come about, the fundamental
principle on which our present peace depends must be replaced
by another, which declares that the true and solid peace of nations
consists not in equality of arms but in mutual trust alone. We
believe that this can be brought to pass, and we consider that,
since it concerns a matter not only demanded by right reason but
also eminently desirable in itself, it will prove to be the source
of many benefits.
114. In the first place, it is an objective demanded by reason.
There can be, or at least there should be, no doubt that relations
between states, as between individuals, should be regulated not
by the force of arms but by the light of reason, by the rule,
that is, of truth, of justice and of active and sincere cooperation.
115. Secondly, We say that it is an objective earnestly to be
desired in itself. Is there anyone who does not ardently yearn
to see dangers of war banished, to see peace preserved and daily
more firmly established?
116. And finally, it is an objective which will be a fruitful
source of many benefits, for its advantages will be felt everywhere,
by individuals, by families, by nations, by the whole human family.
The warning of Pius XII still rings in our ears: "Nothing
is lost by peace; everything may be lost by war."[60]
117. Since this is so, We, the Vicar on earth of Jesus Christ,
Savior of the World and Author of Peace, and as interpreter of
the very profound longing of the entire human family, following
the impulse of Our heart, seized by anxiety for the good of all,
We feel it Our duty to beseech men, especially those who have
the responsibility of public affairs, to spare no pain or effort
until world events follow a course in keeping with man's destiny
and dignity.
118. In the highest and most authoritative assemblies, let men
give serious thought to the problem of a peaceful adjustment of
relations between political communities on a world level: an adjustment
founded on mutual trust, on sincerity in negotiations, on faithful
fulfillment of obligations assumed. Let them study the problem
until they find that point of agreement from which it will be
possible to commence to go forward towards accords that will be
sincere, lasting and fruitful.
119. We, for Our part, will not cease to pray God to bless these
labors so that they may lead to fruitful results.
120. It has also to be borne in mind that relations between States
should be based on freedom, that is to say, that no country may
unjustly oppress others or unduly meddle in their affairs. On
the contrary, all should help to develop in others a sense of
responsibility, a spirit of enterprise, and an earnest desire
to be the first to promote their own advancement in every field.
121. Because all men are joined together by reason of their common
origin, their redemption by Christ, and their supernatural destiny,
and are called to form one Christian family, We appealed in the
Encyclical Mater et Magistra to economically developed nations
to come to the aid of those which were in the process of development.[61]
122. We are greatly consoled to see how widely that appeal has
been favorably received; and We are confident that even more so
in the future it will contribute to the end that the poorer countries,
in as short a time as possible, will arrive at that degree of
economic development which will enable every citizen to live in
conditions more in keeping with his human dignity.
123. But it is never sufficiently repeated that the cooperation,
to which reference has been made, should be effected with the
greatest respect for the liberty of the countries being developed,
for these must realize that they are primarily responsible, and
that they are the principal artisans in the promotion of their
own economic development and social progress.
124. Our Predecessor Pius XII already proclaimed that "in
the field of a new order founded on moral principles, there is
no room for violation of freedom, integrity and security of other
nations, no matter what may be their territorial extension or
their capacity for defense. It is inevitable that the powerful
States, by reason of their greater potential and their power,
should pave the way in the establishment of economic groups comprising
not only themselves but also smaller and weaker States as well.
It is nevertheless indispensable that in the interests of the
common good they, as all others, should respect the rights of
those smaller states to political freedom, to economic development
and to the adequate protection, in the case of conflicts between
nations, of that neutrality which is theirs according to the natural,
as well as international, law. In this way, and in this way only,
will they be able to obtain a fitting share of the common good,
and assure the material and spiritual welfare of their people."[62]
125. It is vitally important, therefore, that the wealthier states,
in providing varied forms of assistance to the poorer, should
respect the moral values and ethnic characteristics peculiar to
each, and also that they should avoid any intention of political
domination. If this is done, "a precious contribution will
be made towards the formation of a world community, a community
in which each member, whilst conscious of its own individual rights
and duties, will work in a relationship of equality towards the
attainment of the universal common good."[63]
126. Men are becoming more and more convinced that disputes which
arise between states should not be resolved by recourse to arms,
but rather by negotiation.
127. We grant indeed that this conviction is chiefly based on
the terrible destructive force of modern weapons and a fear of
the calamities and frightful destruction which such weapons would
cause. Therefore, in an age such as ours which prides itself on
its atomic energy it is contrary to reason to hold that war is
now a suitable way to restore rights which have been violated.
128. Nevertheless, unfortunately, the law of fear still reigns
among peoples, and it forces them to spend fabulous sums for armaments,
not for aggression they affirm--and there is no reason for not
believing them- -but to dissuade others from aggression.
129. There is reason to hope, however, that by meeting and negotiating,
men may come to discover better the bonds that unite them together,
deriving from the human nature which they have in common; and
that they may also come to discover that one of the most profound
requirements of their common nature is this: that between them
and their respective peoples it is not fear which should reign
but love, a love which tends to express itself in a collaboration
that is loyal, manifold in form and productive of many benefits.
130. The recent progress of science and technology, since it has
profoundly influenced human conduct, is rousing men everywhere
in the world to more and more cooperation and association with
one another. Today the exchange of goods and ideas, travel from
country to another have greatly increased. Consequently, the close
relations of individuals, families, intermediate associations
belonging to different countries have become vastly more frequent
and conferences between heads of states are held at shorter intervals.
At the same time the interdependence of national economies has
grown deeper, one becoming progressively more closely related
to the other, so that they become, as it were, integral parts
of the one world economy. Finally, the social progress, order,
security and peace of each country are necessarily connected with
the social progress, order, security and peace of all other countries.
131. Given these conditions, it is obvious that individual countries
cannot rightly seek their own interests and develop themselves
in isolation from the rest, for the prosperity and development
of one country follows partly in the train of the prosperity and
progress of all the rest and partly produces that prosperity and
progress.
132. No era will destroy the unity of the human family since it
is made up of human beings sharing with equal right their natural
dignity. For this reason, necessity, rooted in man's very nature,
will always demand that the common good be sought in sufficient
measure because it concerns the entire human family.
133. In times past, it seemed that the leaders of nations might
be in a position to provide for the universal common good, either
through normal diplomatic channels, or through top-level meetings,
or through conventions or treaties by making use of methods and
instruments suggested by natural law, the law of nations, or international
law.
134. In our time, however, relationships between states have changed
greatly. On the one hand, the universal common good poses very
serious questions which are difficult and which demand immediate
solution especially because they are concerned with safeguarding
the security and peace of the whole world. On the other hand the
heads of individual states, inasmuch as they are juridically equal,
are not entirely successful no matter how often they meet or how
hard they try to find more fitting juridical instruments. This
is due not to lack of goodwill and initiative but to lack of adequate
power to back up their authority.
135. Therefore, under the present circumstances of human society
both the structure and form of governments as well as the power
which public authority wields in all the nations of the world,
must be considered inadequate to promote the universal common
good.
136. Moreover, if we carefully consider the essential nature of
the common good on the one hand, and the nature and function of
public authority on the other, everyone sees that there is an
intrinsic connection between the two. And, indeed, just as the
moral order needs public authority to promote the common good
in civil society, it likewise demands that public authority actually
be able to attain it. From this it follows that the governmental
institutions, on which public authority depends and through which
it functions and pursues its end, should be provided with such
structure and efficacy that they can lead to the common good by
ways and methods which are suitably adapted to various contingencies.
137. Today the universal common good poses problems of worldwide
dimensions, which cannot be adequately tackled or solved except
by the efforts of public authority endowed with a wideness of
powers, structure and means of the same proportions: that is,
of public authority which is in a position to operate in an effective
manner on a world-wide basis. The moral order itself, therefore,
demands that such a form of public authority be established.
138. This public authority, having world-wide power and endowed
with the proper means for the efficacious pursuit of its objective,
which is the universal common good in concrete form, must be set
up by common accord and not imposed by force. The reason is that
such an authority must be in a position to operate effectively;
yet, at the same time, its action must be inspired by sincere
and real impartiality: it must be an action aimed at satisfying
the universal common good. The difficulty is that there would
be reason to fear that a supra-national or worldwide public authority,
imposed by force by the more powerful nations might be an instrument
of one-sided interests; and even should this not happen, it would
be difficult for it to avoid all suspicion of partiality in its
actions, and this would take from the force and effectiveness
of its activity. Even though there may be pronounced differences
between nations as regards the degree of their economic development
and their military power, they are all very sensitive as regards
their juridical equality and the excellence of their way of life.
For that reason, they are right in not easily yielding obedience
to an authority imposed by force, or to an authority in whose
creation they had no part, or to which they themselves did not
decide to submit by their own free choice.
139. Like the common good of individual states, so too the universal
common good cannot be determined except by having regard for the
human person. Therefore, the public and universal authority, too,
must have as its fundamental objective the recognition, respect,
safeguarding and promotion of the rights of the human person;
this can be done by direct action when required, or by creating
on a world scale an environment in which leaders of the individual
countries can suitably maintain their own functions.
140. Moreover, just as it is necessary in each state that relations
which the public authority has with its citizens, families and
intermediate associations be controlled and regulated by the principle
of subsidiarity, it is equally necessary that the relationships
which exist between the world-wide public authority and the public
authority of individual nations be governed by the same principle.
This means that the world-wide public authority must tackle and
solve problems of an economic, social, political or cultural character
which are posed by the universal common good. For, because of
the vastness, complexity and urgency of those problems, the public
authorities of the individual states are not in a position to
tackle them with any hope of a positive solution.
141. The world-wide public authority is not intended to limit
the sphere of action of the public authority of the individual
state, much less to take its place. On the contrary, its purpose
is to create, on a world basis, an environment in which the public
authorities of each state, its citizens and intermediate associations,
can carry out their tasks, fulfill their duties and exercise their
rights with greater security.[64]
142. As is known, the United Nations Organization (U.N.O.) was
established on June 26, 1945, and to it there were subsequently
added specialized agencies consisting of members designated by
the public authority of the various countries with important international
tasks in the economic, social, cultural, educational and health
fields. The United Nations Organization had as its essential purpose
the maintenance and consolidation of peace between peoples, fostering
between them friendly relations, based on the principles of equality,
mutual respect, and varied forms of cooperation in every sector
of human endeavor.
143. An act of the highest importance performed by the United
Nations Organization was the Universal Declaration of Human Rights,
approved in the General Assembly of December 10, 1948. In the
preamble of that Declaration, the recognition and respect of those
rights and respective liberties is proclaimed as a goal to be
achieved by all peoples and all countries.
144. We are fully aware that some objections and reservations
were raised regarding certain points in the Declaration, and rightly
so. There is no doubt, however, that the document represents an
important step on the path towards the juridical-political organization
of all the peoples of the world. For in it, in most solemn form,
the dignity of a human person is acknowledged to all human beings;
and as a consequence there is proclaimed, as a fundamental right,
the right of every man freely to investigate the truth and to
follow the norms of moral good and justice, and also the right
to a life worthy of man's dignity, while other rights connected
with those mentioned are likewise proclaimed.
145. It is therefore our ardent desire that the United Nations
Organization--in its structure and in its means--may become ever
more equal to the magnitude and nobility of its tasks, and may
the time come as quickly as possible when every human being will
find therein an effective safeguard for the rights which derive
directly from his dignity as a person, and which are therefore
universal, inviolable and inalienable rights. This is all the
more to be hoped for since all human beings, as they take an ever
more active part in the public life of their own country, are
showing an increasing interest in the affairs of all peoples,
and are becoming more consciously aware that they are living members
of the whole human family.
146. Once again We exhort Our children to take an active part
in public life, and to contribute towards the attainment of the
common good of the entire human family as well as to that of their
own country. They should endeavor, therefore, in the light of
the Faith and with the strength of love, to ensure that the various
institutions--whether economic, social, cultural or political
in purpose should be such as not to create obstacles, but rather
to facilitate or render less arduous man's perfectioning of himself
both in the natural order as well as in the supernatural.
147. Nevertheless, in order to imbue civilization with right norms
and Christian principles, it is not enough to be illumined with
the gift of faith and enkindled with the desire of forwarding
a good cause. For this end it is necessary to take an active part
in the various organizations and influence them from within.
148. And since our present age is one of outstanding scientific
and technical progress and excellence, one will not be able to
enter these organizations and work effectively from within unless
he is scientifically competent, technically capable and skilled
in the practice of his own profession.
149. We desire to call attention to the fact that scientific competency,
technical capacity and professional experience, although necessary,
are not of themselves sufficient to elevate the relationships
of society to an order that is genuinely human: that is, to an
order whose foundation is truth, whose measure and objective is
justice, whose driving force is Love, and whose method of attainment
if freedom.
150. For this end it is certainly necessary that human beings
carry on their own temporal activities in accordance with the
laws governing them and following the methods corresponding to
their nature. But at the same time it is also necessary that they
should carry on those activities as acts within the moral order:
therefore, as the exercise or vindication of a right, as the fulfillment
of a duty or the performance of a service, as a positive answer
to the providential design of God directed to our salvation. In
other words, it is necessary that human beings, in the intimacy
of their own consciences, should so live and act in their temporal
lives as to create a synthesis between scientific, technical and
professional elements on the one hand, and spiritual values on
the other.
151. It is no less clear that today, in traditionally Christian
nations, secular institutions, although demonstrating a high degree
of scientific and technical perfection, and efficiency in achieving
their respective ends, not infrequently are but slightly affected
by Christian motivation or inspiration.
152. It is beyond question that in the creation of those institutions
many contributed and continue to contribute who were believed
to be and who consider themselves Christians; and without doubt,
in part at least, they were and are. How does one explain this?
It is Our opinion that the explanation is to be found in an inconsistency
in their minds between religious belief and their action in the
temporal sphere. It is necessary, therefore, that their interior
unity be re- established, and that in their temporal activity
Faith should be present as a beacon to give light, and Charity
as a force to give life.
153. It is Our opinion, too, that the above-mentioned inconsistency
between the religious faith in those who believe and their activities
in the temporal sphere, results--in great part--from the lack
of a solid Christian education. Indeed, it happens in many quarters
and too often that there is no proportion between scientific training
and religious instruction: the former continues and is extended
until it reaches higher degrees, while the latter remains at elementary
level. It is indispensable, therefore, that in the training of
youth, education should be complete and without interruption,
namely, that in the minds of the young religious values should
be cultivated and the moral conscience refined in a manner to
keep pace with the continuous and ever more abundant assimilation
of scientific and technical knowledge. And it is indispensable,
too, that they be instructed regarding the proper way to carry
out their actual tasks.[65]
154. We deem it opportune to point out how difficult it is to
understand clearly the relation between the objective requirements
of justice and concrete situations, namely, to define the degrees
and forms in which doctrinal principles and directives ought to
be applied to reality.
155. And the definition of those degrees and forms is all the
more difficult in our times, which are marked by a pronounced
dynamism. For this reason, the problem of bringing social reality
into line with the objective requirements of justice is a problem
which will never admit of a definitive solution. Meanwhile, Our
children must watch over themselves lest they relax and feel satisfied
with objectives already achieved.
156. In fact, all human beings ought rather to reckon that what
has been accomplished is but little in comparison with what remains
to be done in regard to organs of production, trade unions, associations,
professional organizations, insurance systems, legal systems,
political regimes, institutions for cultural, health, recreational
or sporting purposes. These must all be adjusted to the era of
the atom and of the conquest of space: an era which the human
family has already entered. Wherein it has commenced its new advance
towards limitless horizons.
157. The doctrinal principles outlined in this document derive
from both nature itself and the natural law. In putting these
principles into practice it frequently happens that Catholics
in many ways cooperate either with Christians separated from this
Apostolic See, or with men of no Christian faith whatever, but
who are endowed with reason and adorned with a natural uprightness
of conduct. "In such relations let the faithful be careful
to be always consistent in their actions, so that they may never
come to any compromise in matters of religion and morals. At the
same time, however, let them be, and show themselves to be, animated
by a spirit of understanding and detachment, and disposed to work
loyally in the pursuit of objectives which are of their nature
good, or conducive to good."[66]
158. However, one must never confuse error and the person who
errs, not even when there is question of error or inadequate knowledge
of truth in the moral or religious field. The person who errs
is always and above all a human being, and he retains in every
case his dignity as a human person; and he must be always regarded
and treated in accordance with that lofty dignity. Besides, in
every human being, there is a need that is congenital to his nature
and never becomes extinguished, compelling him to break through
the web of error and open his mind to the knowledge of truth.
And God will never fail to act on his interior being, with the
result that a person, who at a given moment of his life lacked
the clarity of faith or even adheres to erroneous doctrines, can
at a future date be enlightened and believe the truth. For Catholics,
if for the sake of promoting the temporal welfare they cooperate
with men who either do not believe in Christ or whose belief is
faulty because they are involved in error, can provide them either
the occasion or the inducement to turn to truth.
159. It is, therefore, especially to the point to make a clear
distinction between false philosophical teachings regarding the
nature, origin, and destiny of the universe and of man, and movements
which have a direct bearing either on economic and social questions,
or cultural matters or on the organization of the state, even
if these movements owe their origin and inspiration to these false
tenets. While the teaching once it has been clearly set forth
is no longer subject to change, the movements, precisely because
they take place in the midst of changing conditions, are readily
susceptible of change. Besides, who can deny that those movements,
in so far as they conform to the dictates of right reason and
are interpreters of the lawful aspirations of the human person,
contain elements that are positive and deserving of approval?
160. For these reasons it can at times happen that meetings for
the attainment of some practical results which previously seemed
completely useless now are either actually useful or may be looked
upon as profitable for the future. But to decide whether this
moment has arrived, and also to lay down the ways and degrees
in which work in common might be possible for the achievement
of economic, social, cultural, and political ends which are honorable
and useful: these are the problems which can only be solved with
the virtue of prudence, which is the guiding light of the virtues
that regulate the moral life, both individual and social. Therefore,
as far as Catholics are concerned, this decision rests primarily
with those who live and work in the specific sectors of human
society in which those problems arise, always, however, in accordance
with the principles of the natural law, with the social doctrine
of the church, and with the directives of ecclesiastical authorities.
For it must not be forgotten that the Church has the right and
the duty not only to safeguard the principles of ethics and religion,
but also to intervene authoritatively with Her children in the
temporal sphere, when there is a question of judging the application
of those principles to concrete cases.[67]
161. There are some souls, particularly endowed with generosity,
who, on finding situations where the requirements of justice are
not satisfied or not satisfied in full, feel enkindled with the
desire to change the state of things, as if they wished to have
recourse to something like a revolution.
162. It must be borne in mind that to proceed gradually is the
law of life in all its expressions; therefore in human institutions,
too, it is not possible to renovate for the better except by working
from within them, gradually. Pius XII proclaimed: "Salvation
and justice are not to be found in revolution, but in evolution
through concord. Violence has always achieved only destruction,
not construction; the kindling of passions, not their pacification;
the accumulation of hate and ruin, not the reconciliation of the
contending parties. And it has reduced men and parties to the
difficult task of rebuilding, after sad experience, on the ruins
of discord."[68]
163. We must therefore consider this point most closely joined
to the great tasks of magnanimous men, namely, to establish with
truth, justice, charity, and liberty new methods of relationships
in human society: the relations among individual citizens, among
citizens and their own countries, among nations themselves, among
individuals, families, intermediate associations and individual
states on the one hand, and with the community of all mankind
on the other. This is a most exalted task, for it is the task
of bringing about true peace in the order established by God.
164. These men, necessarily few in number, but deserving recognition
for their contributions in the field of human relations, We publicly
praise and at the same time We earnestly invite them to persevere
in their work with ever greater zeal. And We are comforted by
the hope that their number will increase, especially among those
who believe, for it is an imperative of duty; it is a requirement
of Love. Every believer in this world of ours must be a spark
of light, a center of love, a vivifying leaven amidst his fellowmen:
and he will be this all the more perfectly the more closely he
lives in communion with God and in the intimacy of his own soul.
165. In fact, there can be no peace between men unless there is
peace within each one of them, unless, that is, each one builds
up within himself the order wished by God. Hence St. Augustine
asks: "Does your soul desire to overcome your lower inclinations?
Let it be subject to Him Who is on high and it will conquer the
lower self: there will be peace in you; true, secure and well-ordered
peace. In what does that order consist? God commands the soul;
the soul commands the body; and there is nothing more orderly
than this."[69]
166. These words of Ours, which We have wished to dedicate to
the problems that most beset the human family today and on the
just solution of which the ordered progress of society depends,
are dictated by a profound aspiration which We know is shared
by all men of good will: the consolidation of peace in the world.
167. As the humble and unworthy Vicar of Him Whom the Prophet
announced as the Prince of Peace,[70] We have the duty to expend
all Our energies in an effort to protect and strengthen this gift.
However, Peace will be but an empty-sounding word unless it is
founded on the order which this present document has outlined
in confident hope: an order founded on truth, built according
to justice, vivified and integrated by charity, and put into practice
in freedom.
168. This is such a noble and elevated task that human resources,
even though inspired by the most praiseworthy good will, cannot
bring it to realization alone. In order that human society may
reflect as Faithfully as possible the Kingdom of God, help from
on high is absolutely necessary.
169. For this reason, during these sacred days Our supplication
is raised with greater fervor towards Him Who by His painful Passion
and death overcame sin--the root of discord and the source of
sorrows and inequalities--and by His Blood reconciled mankind
to the Eternal Father; "For he himself is Our peace, he it
is that hath made both one . . . and coming he announced the good
tidings of peace to you who were afar off, and of peace to those
who were near."[71]
170. And in the Liturgy of these days we hear the announcement:
"Our Lord Jesus Christ, after His resurrection, stood in
the midst of His disciples and said 'Peace be to you,' alleluia:
the disciples rejoiced seeing the Lord."[72] He leaves us
peace, He brings us peace: "Peace I leave with you, my peace
I give to you; not as the world gives do I give to you."[73]
171. This is the peace which We implore of Him with the ardent
yearning of Our prayer. May He banish from the hearts of men whatever
might endanger peace, may He transform them into witnesses of
truth, justice and brotherly love. May He enlighten the rulers
of peoples so that in addition to their solicitude for the proper
welfare of their citizens, they may guarantee and defend the great
gift of peace; may He enkindle the wills of all, so that they
may overcome the barriers that divide, cherish the bonds of mutual
charity, understand others, and pardon those who have done them
wrong; by virtue of his action, may all peoples of the earth become
as brothers, and may the most longed-for peace blossom forth and
reign always among them.
172. As a pledge of this peace, and with the ardent wish that
it may shine forth on the Christian communities entrusted to your
care, especially for the benefit of those who are most lowly and
in the greatest need of help and defense, We are glad to impart
to you, Venerable Brothers, to the priests both secular and religious,
to the religious men and women and to the faithful of your Dioceses,
particularly to those who make every effort to put these exhortations
of Ours into practice, Our Apostolic Blessing. Finally, upon all
men of good will, to whom this Encyclical Letter is also addressed,
We implore from Almighty God health and prosperity.
173. Given at Rome at St. Peter's, on Holy Thursday, the eleventh
day of April, in the year 1963, the fifth of Our Pontificate.
ENDNOTES
1. Ps. 8:1.
2. Ps. 103:24.
3. Cf. Gen. 1:26.
4. Ps. 8:6-8.
5. Rom. 2:15.
6. Cf. Ps. 18:8-11.
7. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1942, A.A.S.
XXXV, 1943. pp. 9-24; and Discourse of John XXIII, Jan. 4, 1963,
A.A.S. LV, 1963, pp. 89-91.
8. Cf. Encycl. Divini Redemptoris of Pius XI, A.A.S. XXIX, 1937,
p. 78; and Radio Message of Pius XII, Pentecost, June 1, 1941,
A.A.S. XXXIII, 1941, pp. 195- 205.
9. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1942, A.A.S.
XXXV, 1943, pp. 9-24.
10. Divinae Institutiones, Book IV, ch. 28, 2; Patrologia Latina,
6, 535.
11. Encycl. Libertas Praestantissimum, Acta Leonis XIII, VIII,
1888, pp. 237-238.
12. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1942, A.A.S.
XXXV, 1943, pp. 9-24.
13. Cf. Encycl. Casti Connubii of Pius XI, A.A.S. XXII, 1930,
pp. 539-592; and Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1942,
A.A.S. XXXV, 1943, pp. 9-24.
14. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Pentecost, June 1, 1941, A.A.S.
XXXIII, 1941, p. 201.
15. Cf. Encycl. Rerum Novarum of Leo XIII, Acta Leonis XIII, XI,
1891, pp. 128-129.
16. Cf. Encycl. Mater et Magistra of John XXIII, A.A.S. Llll,
1961, p. 422.
17. Cf. Radio Message, Pentecost, June 1, 1941, A.A.S. XXXIII,
1941, p. 201.
18 Encycl. Mater et Magistra, A.A.S. LIII, 1961, p. 428.
19. Cf. Ibid., p. 430.
20. Cf. Encycl. Rerum Novarum of Leo XIII, Acta Leonis XIII, XI,
1891, pp. 134-142; Encycl. Quadragesimo Anno of Pius XI, A.A.S.
XXIII, 1931, pp. 199-200; Encycl. Sertum Laetitiae of Pius XII,
A.A.S. XXXI, 1939, pp. 635-644.
21. Cf. A.A.S. LIII, 1961, p. 430.
22. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1952, A.A.S.
XLV, 1953, pp. 33-46.
23. Cf. Radio Message, Christmas Eve, 1944, A.A.S. XXXVII, 1945,
p. 12.
24. Cf. Radio Message, Christmas Eve, 1942, A.A.S. XXXV, 1943,
p. 21.
25. Eph. 4:25.
26. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1942, A.A.S. XXXV,
1943, p. 14.
27. Summa Theol., I-II, q. 19, a. 4; cf. a. 9.
28. Rom. 13:1-6.
29. In Epist. ad Rom c. 13, vv. 1-2, homil. XXIII: Patrologia
Graeca, 60, 615.
30. Encycl. Immortale Dei of Leo XIII, Acta Leonis XIII, V, 1885,
p.120.
31. Cf. Radio Message, Christmas Eve, 1944, A.A.S. XXXVII, 1945,
p. 15.
32. Cf. Encycl. Diuturnum illud of Leo XIIl, Acta Leonis XIII,
II 1881, p. 274.
33. Cf. Ibid., p. 278; and Encycl. Immortale Dei of Leo XIII,
Acta Leonis XIII, V, 1885, p. 130.
34. Act. 5:29.
35. Summa Theol., q. 93, a, 3 ad 2; Cf. Radio Message of Pius
XII, Christmas Eve, 1944, A.A.S. XXXVII, 1945, pp. 5-23.
36. Cf. Encyc. Diuturnum illud of Leo XIII, Acta Leonis XIII,
II, 1881, pp. 271-272; and Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas
Eve, 1944, A.A.S. XXXVII, 1945, pp. 5- 3.
37. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1942, A.A.S.
XXXV, 1943, p. 13; and Encycl. Immortale Dei of Leo XIII, Acta
Leonis XIII, V, 1885, p. 120.
38. Cf. Encycl. Summi Pontificatus of Pius XII, A.A.S. XXXI, 1939,
pp. 412-453.
39. Cf. Encycl. Mit brennender Sorge of Pius XI, A.A.S. XXIX,
1937, p. 159; and Encycl. Divini Redemptoris, A.A.S. XXIX, 1937,
pp. 65-106.
40. Encycl. Immortale Dei, Acta Leonis XIII, V, 1885, p. 121.
41. Cf. Encycl. Rerum Novarum of Leo XIII, Acta Leonis XIII, XI,
1891, pp. 133-134.
42. Cf. Encycl. Summi Pontificatus of Pius XII, A.A.S. XXXI, 1939,
p. 433.
43. A.A.S. LIII, 1961, p. 19.
44. Cf. Encycl. Quadragesimo Anno of Pius XI, A.A.S. XXIII, 1931,
p. 215.
45. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Pentecost, June 1, 1941, A.A.S.
XXXIII, 1941, p. 200.
46. Cf. Encycl. Mit brennender Sorge of Pius XI, A.A.S. XXIX,
1937, p. 159; and Encycl. Divini Redemptoris, A.A.S. XXIX, 1937,
p. 79; and Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1942, A.A.S.
XXXV, 1943, pp. 9-24.
47. Cf. Encycl. Divini Redemptoris of Pius XI, A.A.S. XXIX, 1937,
p. 81; and Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1942, A.A
S. XXXV, 1943, pp. 9-24.
48. Encycl. Mater et Magistra of John XXIII, A.A.S. LIII, 1961,
p. 415.
49. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1942, A.A.S.
XXXV, 1943, p. 21.
50. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1944, A.A.S.
XXXVII, 1945, pp. 15-16.
51. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1942, A.A.S.
XXXV, 1943, p. 12.
52. Cf. Apostolic letter Annum ingressi of Leo XIII, Acta Leonis
XIII, XXII, 1902 1903, pp. 52-80.
53. Wis. 6:14.
54. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1941, A.A S.
XXIV, 1942, p. 16.
55. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1940, A.A.S.
XXXIII, 1941, pp. 5 14.
56. De civitate Dei, Book IV, ch. 4; Patrologia Latina, 41, 115;
cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1939, A.A.S. XXXII,
1940, pp. 5-13.
57. Cf. Radio Message of Pius XII, Christmas Eve, 1941, A.A.S.
XXXIV, 1942, pp. 10-21.
58. Cf. Encycl. Mater et Magistra of John XXIII, A.A.S. LIII,
1961, p. 439.
59. Cf. Radio Message, Christmas Eve, 1941, A.A.S. XXXIV, 1942,
p. 17; and Exhortation of Benedict XV to the rulers of peoples
at war, Aug. 1, 1917, A.A.S. IX, 1917, p. 418.
60. Cf. Radio Message, Aug. 24,1939, A.A.S. XXXI, 1939, p. 334.
61. A.A.S. LIII, 1961, pp. 440-441.
62. Cf. Radio Message, Christmas Eve, 1941, A.A.S. XXXIV, 1942,
pp. 16-17.
63. Encycl. Mater et Magistra of John XXIII, A.A.S. LIII, 1961,
p. 443.
64. Cf. Address of Pius XII to youths of Catholic Action from
the dioceses of Italy gathered in Rome, Sept. 12,1948, A.A.S.
XL p. 412.
65. Cf. Encycl. Mater et Magistra of John XXIII, A.A S. LIII,
1961, p. 454.
66. Ibid., p. 456.
67. Ibid., p. 456; cf. Encycl. Immortale Dei of Leo XIII, Acta
Leonis XIII, V, 1885, p. 128; Encycl. Ubi Arcano of Pius XI, A.A.S.
XIV, 1922, p. 698; and Address of Pius XII to Delegates of the
International Union of Catholic Women's Leagues gathered in Rome
for a joint convention, Sept. 11, 1947, A.A.S. XXXIX, 1947, p.
486.
68. Cf. Address to workers from the dioceses of Italy gathered
in Rome, Pentecost, June 13, 1943, A.A.S. XXXV, 1943, p. 175.
69. Miscellanea Augustiniana . . . Sermones post Maurinos reperti
of St. Augustine, Rome, 1930, p. 633.
70. Cf. Is:9, 5.
71. Eph 2:14-17.
72. Responsory at Matins on the Friday after Easter.
73. Jn. 14:27.
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